So what explains the current trend?
Politicians and political pundits in Uganda attribute the rapidly increasing costs of campaigning in Uganda to high levels of poverty among the electorate.
Some say because of poverty, the voters have stopped responding to manifesto promises and instead prefer money. Apparently, because the electorate is poor; their aim is to solve their most immediate needs such as cash, food, sugar, soap, or salt.
Lydia Namayengo, a monitoring and evaluation officer at the Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU) told The Independent that the electorate’s shift from “how much can you do for us to how much can you give us” speaks to the fact that today’s crop of political leaders have also failed to deliver services to the people.
“That is why instead of people voting for leaders with experience, good manifestos, and lobbyists, they vote in those who have given them something during campaigns.”
Alice Alaso, the national coordinator in charge of finance and administration at the Alliance for National Transformation says since MPs no longer represent the views of their constituents; some of them decide to keep quiet once they get into Parliament while others who might be willing are muzzled by a dysfunctional political system.
“This explains the voter psychology which demands as little as Shs 1,000 from the political candidates during election campaigns,” she told The Independent on Oct. 05, “But it also explains the psychology of the ruling NRM party which is the main culprit when it comes to pouring money into election campaigns.”
“They know that the majority of Ugandans are deprived and they know that Shs 1,000 will make an average Ugandan voter vote for them,” Alaso says, “They have successfully reduced Ugandans to beggars.”
“State failure has resulted in the erosion of trust in the corruption-ridden political leadership, something which has triggered voter apathy,” says Dr. Julius Kiiza, “Voters apparently use the election season to demand for deliverables here and now.”
In his 2016 paper titled, “Money Matters: Financing Illiberal Democracy in Uganda,” Kiiza writes that depressing social demographics are a factor. Close to 70% of Uganda’s 40 million people are still rural-based peasants, millions are youth aged 15-35 years, and many are unemployed.
Although Uganda’s economy has undoubtedly grown rapidly with rates of 6.3% since 1992, some political economists like Kiiza argue that the rosy socio-economic figures hardly reflect in ordinary people’s lives. Kiiza says in large part, the poverty is a product of state failure to deliver transformative developmental outcomes.
The electorate has also learnt that the decision to improve the quality of health care, primary education, roads or agricultural extension services is outside the control of an elected MP, LCV Chairperson or councilor. But the electorate knows that the same elected leaders have access to economic opportunities which they tap into; sometime illegally to enrich themselves.
With this at the back of their minds, the electorate now demands to be paid to participate in meetings and seminars even when they are the consumers and beneficiaries of the programmes.
Namayengo, the monitoring and evaluation officer at CCEDU told The Independent that elections in Uganda are definitely expensive and this is a challenge for women and youth aged 20-35 years.
According to the report, poverty and desperation make youth agents of commercialized electoral politics because they easily engage in “buy-outs” for as low as Shs 1000 to change voter disposition and/or participate in vote rigging.
Going forward, among several recommendations, the Alliance for Campaign Finance Monitoring wants the government to enact a stand-alone legislation which compels candidates to disclose publicly their pre-campaign and campaign spending by or on behalf of political parties and candidates.
The civil society organisation has also called for the tightening of the provision on vote buying to bar political leaders whose elections are nullified in courts of law from contesting elections for five years. Even if the nullification is as a result of a civil suit.
There is also need to prohibit the giving of donations by all candidates; including a president who is also a candidate, in order to create a level playing field for all.
ACFIM also wants religious leaders to banish all forms of fundraisings from worship centres for a period of 12 months preceding a general election as well as carry out civic awareness aimed at discouraging the electorate from engaging in acts that support the commercialization of electoral politics.
Cissy Kagaba, the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Coalition-Uganda told The Independent on Oct. 04 that a stand-alone law on election finance would be good in principle but enforcement would be problematic. She says the problem starts with President Yoweri Museveni.
“If the head of state continues to dish out money, how do you expect a lower cadre politician not to emulate him?” Kagaba told The Independent that she does not foresee the issue of money in Uganda’s elections disappearing any time soon.
But Peter Wandera, the executive director of Transparency International Uganda says a shift in mindset of the electorate will go a long way in reversing what Kagaba thinks is a “path of no return.”
Perry Aritua, the executive director of Women’s Democracy Network-Uganda, told The Independent on Oct. 05 that as long as the enforcement of the law is not guaranteed, a stand-alone law on election campaign financing would be just like any other law.
“Unless there is commitment to enforce the law without fear or favour, this law would be just like the anti-corruption laws,” she says, “Let everyone be equal before the law.”
Crispin Kaheru, the coordinator of CCEDU adds that a stand-alone law would be good but it is just one of the elements of a solution that has to be broader.
“For us to be able to deal with this problem, let us address the mindset of the people who vie for these positions,” Kaheru said.
Kaheru also thinks it is high time the emoluments of these politicians; especially the MPs were revised downwards.
“If their emoluments (fat salaries and brand new vehicles) were made as less attractive as possible, then we would have people who are less of fortune hunters in political offices.”
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More Commercialization of our politics/elections it can be argued isnt as disastrous as these NGOs ( paid/treacherous imperialist collaborators) make it seem… How, one may ask ?
The Western imperialist always attempts to subvert poorer countries sovereignty by sponsoring and financing candidates that will do their bidding.. but increasing costs of electioneering means more funding for the imperialist’ treacherous collaborators/candidates of choice and if done in Uganda with its close to 1,000,000 elected officials at all levels imperialism becomes prohibitively expensive for the aspiring imperial powers to have any effective control of this neo-colony.
And this could explain the now sustained campaign by these paid treacherous NGOs advocating control of campaign financing. And the continuous tiresome song of Uganda’s public administration is very large and needs reduction by the western countries and their ugandan collaborator.
And to safe guard our sovereignty Uganda should create more centres of power creating more ministries,districts,town councils,agencies etc and also require every 50,000 Ugandans have an mp this creates more people to fund/bribe by the western countries making it uneconomical for them
For me its a quastion,,,, do the candidates like concillars paid money for campaigning for there posts