The Independent Uganda: You get the Truth we Pay the Price
Its extra-territorial campaign against terrorists has to have limits
ANALYSIS | AGENCIES | After the massacres of October 7th 2023, Israel’s prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, promised to hunt down the leaders of Hamas “wherever they are”. Israel pursued them in Gaza, Iran, Lebanon and Syria. But Qatar, where Hamas’s grandees have long enjoyed a comfy exile, seemed off-limits. On September 9th that changed. Israeli warplanes bombed a villa there that was said to be hosting Hamas officials. Six people were killed, though it is uncertain if any Hamas leaders were among them. The strikes may have had tacit American approval. They are a grave error, making it harder to end the Gaza war, harming America’s position in the Gulf and undermining the Abraham accords, which offer the region a better future.
It is legitimate to strike terrorists who pose a threat and enjoy sanctuary in a state that is unable or unwilling to take action against them. Israel’s attacks on Hizbullah’s leaders in Lebanon are a case in point. But the Doha hit does not fall into this category. Though Hamas’s leaders abroad are probably involved in its terrorist operations, Israel has tacitly approved Qatar’s role as their host. With America’s blessing, Doha has mediated indirect talks between Israel and Hamas. The Mossad and Israel’s army opposed Tuesday’s strike.
After the operation, the war in Gaza is more likely to drag on. Given that peace could bring down his hardline ruling coalition, that may be why the hit appealed to Mr Netanyahu. Talks will stall in the near term (though the Qataris say they will keep trying). As Hamas’s external leaders are killed, the balance of power will shift to its isolated military command in Gaza. As Israel fights on, its generals say that further battlefield gains will be marginal. But the fighting will have devastating consequences for Palestinians.
Qatar plays a double game, selling gas to the West and making investments there, while cosying up to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood. That approach has backfired this year, as it has been attacked by Israel and Iran. Nonetheless Qatar hosts an American military base. If Donald Trump knew of the strike in advance, he has in effect endorsed an attack on a state under American protection. If he did not, it shows that America cannot constrain Israel. Other Gulf states may conclude that American security promises are weak. The country stood aside when Iranian drones crippled Saudi Arabian oilfields in 2019, and when drones hit the United Arab Emirates in 2022.
The biggest casualty may be the reconciliation between Israel and the Gulf states, through the Abraham accords, the fifth anniversary of which falls this month. Qatar is not a signatory but Bahrain and the UAE are—and Saudi Arabia has considered a deal with Israel. The accords promised deepening economic ties and security co-operation to deter attacks by Iran and its proxies. Israel’s repudiation of a two-state peace deal with the Palestinians has stretched the accords to breaking point. Now it is asserting the right to use its military power to strike its enemies in sovereign states with which it co-operates in other respects. That is an intolerable prospect for any would-be ally.
With America’s enduring military support, Israel has become a regional hegemon that has crushed Hamas, defeated Hizbullah and humbled Iran. Yet in Qatar it has simultaneously isolated itself further and jeopardised America’s position, with ramifications that may last well beyond Mr Trump. Hitting Hamas may serve Mr Netanyahu’s political purposes and show off Israeli might. But it has weakened Israel’s position and pushed the region closer to chaos.
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Source: The Economist
