The Independent Uganda: You get the Truth we Pay the Price
2006-2011 saw the first manifestation of public anger in protests when riots broke out in Kampala against the proposed give away of Mabira Forest to investors by Museveni in 2007 and the riots in Kampala by angry Baganda youths when the police and army barred Kabaka Ronald Mutebi from going to Kayunga in 2009.
But all these protests did not last beyond three days. The Kayunga riots which seemed more potent ended immediately after the army deployed on the streets.
Only the Walk-to-Work protests, which started in March 2011 after the general elections, tested the mettle of the NRM regime when they turned out to be the most organised wave of protests the regime has faced.
Whereas many protests against Museveni have been driven by other issues; anger over rising cost of food and fuel as inflation hit 30%, in the case of Walk-to-Work, the Togikwatako appears to be purely pointed against Museveni. Its supporters don’t want the proposed amendment because it extends the 73-year-old leader’s presidency. Togikwatako also seems to be spread more nationally and has united the opposition. Francis Mwijukye, the opposition FDC MP for Buhweju County says Togikwatako should not be analysed separately from Walk-to-Work.
He has been a lynchpin of both and in October posted a photo of himself on Facebook wearing the famous red ribbon while attending an Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) assembly in St Petersburg, Russia. He says the popularity of Togikwatako has forced many ruling party MPs who initially supported the amendment to switch sides.
“We forced Museveni to come out and address the Age Limit Bill which he was pretending not to care about; he reached the point of sending his army into Parliament.
“Togikwatako has been embraced by people from all walks of life; academia, farmers, the rich, poor, musicians, they are all speaking with the same voice,” he says, “When you see all these people speaking up it is because of the spirit of Walk-to-Work.”
Walk-to-Work festered for about two years but since then Kampala appears to have become a cauldron of anger, frustration and anxiety as police battles opposition and any semblance of protests in the central business district. To that effect, the government passed a controversial law, the Public Order Management Act (POMA) to contain opposition.
Although Walk-to-Work was largely seen as a Kampala affair, Mwijukye says towns tend to be a springboard for protests. He says Walk-to-Work laid the groundwork for defiance. “People are using the spirit of defiance started by Walk-to-Work to challenge the government. It is why they can afford to tell off the police and boldly say that the police serves them,” he told The Independent.
A former aide to Kizza Besigye, Mwijukye endured beatings and some of the most vicious Police crackdowns on the opposition at the height of the Walk-to-Work protests in 2011. In many of the scenes when Besigye was arrested, Mwijukye could be seen physically trying to defend Besigye.
“To merely list the successes of Togikwatako is not to appreciate the earlier setting up of structures of defiance. When you see people wearing red ribbons everywhere, it is because they have been empowered by defiance.”
Togikwatako seems to be the more successful campaign with symbols like the red ribbon and the crowds it gathers across the country and Mwijukye acknowledges this.
“It is not opposition versus NRM. This is about those against the amendment versus those who are for it.”
He says people have turned out en masse because they realise that since the two-five year presidential term limit was scrapped from the constitution in 2005, the age limit is the only safeguard for a transition from Museveni to another leader.
The Walk-to-Work campaign led to unprecedented police operations in the city and there has been an attempt at similar deployment to quell Togikwatako.
“Our deployment is based on the threat levels anticipated,” says Kampala Metropolitan Police Commander Nicholas Mwesigwa. He told The Independent on Nov 3 that since police banned the joint consultations among various MPs, there has not been any disturbance. In reality, police might have been caught flat-footed, with no clear target to clobber this time. Meanwhile, the Togikwatako campaign is already being mooted as a pressure group to take on Museveni if he stands in the 2021 presidential elections.
M7, just like a dog or cat under attack and against a wall, is at his most dangerous when he is under attack.
THE opposition are under a very big illusion if they think that they have M7 cornered.
M7 is a crisis manager and he manages by crisis and he revels in crisis (KAVUYO)
He has had all his adult life, and certainly the last more than 30 years to plan , where the opposition have only had a few weeks to plan their assault.
THE opposition and those campaigning to stop the lifting of the age limit must be very careful because they are dealing with a very slippery customer.
M 7 has the all it takes; the power, the resources of persuasion and coercion to ensure that he gets the result he needs.
He has now tested the waters and knows what the population thinks and he will now go a gear up .
All indications show that he had initially even arm twisted those MPs who were not in favour of the age limit removal. Some of the MPs are in a real dilemma, they are torn between protecting their interests and serving the interests of their master.
At the end of the day, most of them know or they will be told or convinced that their masters interests are the same as their own interest and at the moment most people are or believe they are what they are because of M7.
So all M 7 has to do is to come up with a plan that caters for their interests and he has examples galore where people have lost their parliamentary seats and have retained their ministerial jobs of which OTAFIIRE and MULONI are stellar examples.
SO he will tell them to ignore the voters interest, because the voters do not after all appoint ministers and he can appoint ministers , ambassadors , heads of parastatals outside of parliament.
The other option will be to tell the Mps to seem to accept what the voters want, tell them what they want to hear, after all the voters will not be there on the day of voting.
And just like the voting of the SPEAKER , M 7 will camp at parliament and it may even be possible to make the vote a secret ballot so that we shall be none the wiser as to how the MPs voted on the day.
SO be careful and do not count your victory. You may have won the battle, but M 7 the SABALWANYI can still win the war
I take your point Ejakait Engoraton. However the subtle, maybe major difference is that this time he isn’t just facing one crisis. We have a situation where the security services are viewing each other with suspicion, sectors of the economy are going on strike, some police commanders are expressing their disillusionment on social media and there is video footage of police complaining about pay, promotion etc, some NRM MPs are genuinely concerned that M7 has become a liability, it has been reported that some historicals are quietly against the idea, their is a genuine awakening of a lot of Ugandans about their plight, people seem to be becoming immune to the threat of force, innocent people have lost their lives and their loved ones bear a genuine grudge now, I think the coffers a re running dry. These are just some of the crises that he faces. He is like a man juggling a lot of plates in the air at the same time. Only time can tell how long he can continue doing this. Also remember that while his attention is otherwise occupied there is some opportunist maneuvering himself into position to strike. A bit like the Obote/Lutwa situation. For those who don’t learn the lessons, history has a funny habit of repeating itself. By the time one hears the dreaded words “I told you so” it is invariably too late.
There is no one who has studied and knows Ugandans in a devilish way than M7.
Most NRM people rightly or otherwise, have come to believe that they are what they are and can only become what they want to be because of M 7.
Every minister, RDC, ambassador, business people, believe that they are what they are because of M7 and that the next person who comes in will not appoint them to the same or better position and they go by the adage the DEVIL you know.
And for those who are currently on the sidelines, they believe that they are the next in line for whatever it is MZEE has promised them.
AND just like AHEEBWA has rightly said, NRM is nothing without M 7, it is actually fused into the person of M 7 and without him, it would implode, so for their own selfish needs, caring absolutely nothing about the entity called UGANDA, they would rather keep M 7 and UGANDA can go to hell.
I think you are right, how l wish the Togikwatako crisis leads could think outside the box the way you are doing.
Of course mzee is the only one of now who can manage the opposition, so as NRM we have to “kugikwatako” by all means friends
Gikwateko and be damned!
Those who watch and get to know what goes on will have known what happened in the Rugby world.
Campaigns have been going on to find the hosts for 2013.
Finally the field had been narrowed down to 3 countries, Ireland, France and South Africa.
In the penultimate round of voting, Ireland was eliminated and SOUTH AFRICA emerged as the “favorite” going into the final round and was the highly “recommended” by the organisation.
Come the results, and FRANCE, yes NOT South Africa , was the winner.
How come.
Up to and until the final round, all voting by the members had been open, but come the final round and it was decided (by goodness knows who), that the final round of voting, “in order to give the members freedom to vote freely” would be by secret ballot.
To the surprise of the SOUTH AFRICANS, France came out the winners.
I have never seen the head of an international organisation labour to explain himself.
thxs brother for your information on togikwatako isues